THE FINAL REPORT: HARVARD'S AFFIRMATIVE ACTION ALLEGORY

Derrick Bell

THE TRAGEDY

Everyone in the Cambridge community knew it was a disaster the very moment it happened. In later years, residents would recount the event with the preciseness appropriate to great tragedy: three o'clock on a sunny, late fall, Saturday afternoon. None who heard or saw it ever forgot the earth-shaking explosion and the huge, nuclear-like fireball. When the smoke cleared the following day, the former President's residence, 17 Quincy Street, had disappeared. A deep, smoldering crater marked the site in Harvard Yard where the building had stood.

The explosion and the all-consuming inferno claimed the lives of the President of Harvard and 198 black professors and administrators ‹the university's total complement of black, full-time professionals. As part of a year-long campaign to increase the number of minorities on campus, the university's Black Faculty and Administrators (the Association) had called for an all-day meeting with Harvard's President. He accepted the group's invitation, and the meeting had begun as scheduled. A much published group photograph taken during the lunch break, and intended to record those who attended, served to confirm those who died.

There were no clues as to what or who caused the explosion, a fact that encouraged endless speculation. Every possibility was explored: accident, terrorism, even supernatural forces. The official investigation, after months of searching, found little more than everyone knew in the first hour after the explosion. A building and all within it had disappeared in a flash of fire that reduced even stone and steel to a fine, volcanic ash.

In the absence of answers, surmise served as substitute for fact. Many whites assumed that the Association was responsible: that, frustrated with their inability to increase their numbers, the blacks ‹or some of them) had conspired to blow up the meeting place in a bizarre, murder-suicide pact. Acting on this theory, racist hate groups launched random attacks on blacks. For their part, blacks were convinced that the tragedy was the work of ultra-conservatives, possibly acting with government support. Rumors ignited riots in inner-city areas.

In time, the victims became martyrs to the cause of racial equality. The tragedy and the ensuing racial violence with its threat of social disorder prompted renewed commitment to affirmative action enforcement by long-dormant government agencies. Civil rights groups organized protest marches. The most spectacular of these marshaled more than a million college students who walked from their campuses to Harvard for the massive memorial service held at the Harvard stadium and the surrounding grounds. The investigation did uncover ir formation about what came to be known as "the final meeting."

THE FINAL MEETING

The final meeting at the Quincy Street house was closed, but files from both the President's office and the offices of the co-chairs of the Association contained the meeting agenda and a proposed affirmative action plan officers planned to discuss with the President. The proposed plan was dedicated to Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois who, following his graduation from Fisk University, entered Harvard in the Fall of 1888.' Two years later, he graduated, cum laude, with a major in philosophy. He was one of five graduating students chosen to speak at the commencement exercises.

At Harvard, Du Bois' intellectual gifts earned him the attention of faculty members, including William James, George Santayana, and Albert Bushnell Hart. They became his mentors. Academic ability though did not insulate Du Bois from the racial discrimination he encountered at every turn on Harvard's campus. His years here were filled with loneliness and alienation. And despite clearly superior in tellectual gifts, it was inconceivable that Harvard might offer Du Bois a faculty position at his alma mater.

In its prologue, the Association noted that Dr. Du Bois would now find a substantial number of black students at Harvard. Most are spared the overt hostility that barred Du Bois from every social activity except the Philosophy Club. Even so, contemporary black students encounter colorbased discrimination in many subtle and debilitating forms, and they suffer the no less hurtful slights and disparaging assumptions about their abilities that Du Bois endured.

The Association acknowledged that in the last two decades, Harvard has established a Department of Afro-American Studies and an Institute named to honor W.E.B. Du Bois. At the administrative level, the university adopted an affirmative action plan in 1970, now administered by an Associate Vice President for Affirmative Action. The Association noted that while their numbers remain minuscule, black teachers, staff, and students have made substantial contributions to the Harvard community.

In his presentation prepared for the meeting, Harvard's President was slated to review the numerous statements affirming the university's concern for affirmative action and commitment to equal opportunity. In responsive remarks, a co-chair of the Association planned to observe that unless they exert special efforts, contemporary students at Harvard will have access to or contact with no more black faculty and administrators than were available to Dr. Du Bois. Thus, while the university's commitment was important, implementation was seriously deficient. "We must ask why the improved citizenship status of blacks in the last three decades has not wrought concomitant reform in the once all-white status of Harvard's faculty and administrators? What hidden barriers limit the success of so many seemingly well-intentioned affirmative action pledges and programs?"

The Association statement concluded by citing a report prepared the previous year by a coalition of minority students at Harvard:

In an increasingly multiethnic society, Harvard can ill afford to remain backward in its educational approach. All members‹both majority and minority‹need to see standing in front of the classroom living evidence that there are minority scholars meeting Harvard's highest standards. Minority faculty provide ears attuned to minority students['] needs, minds capable to teach ethnic studies courses, and voices diverse enough to represent minority views.

BACKGROUND TO THE FINAL REPORT

There are no records of the discussions that followed the opening statements. Investigators, piecing together information gained from files and interviews with victims' relatives and friends, were able to provide a clear picture of Association efforts prior to the final meeting. The Association's goal was to improve what they deemed Harvard's abysmal record of hiring African-American professors and professional staff. In the 1988-89 school year, only 17 of the 957 tenured faculty (1.8%) were black. And there were only 26 blacks (1.1%) among the 2,265 tenure-line or ladder faculty positions.

Embarrassed and deeply concerned about their minuscule representation on the nation's most prestigious campus, Association officers met with Harvard's President in an effort to identify and discuss the reasons for Harvard's poor performance in hiring and retaining black faculty and administrators. Following that session, the co-chairs and the Association's executive committee decided to meet individually with the academic deans. The letters of invitation noted the lack of affirmative action progress, requesting the deans to "share with us in more detail your analysis of the barriers preventing increased employment of blacks in faculty and exempt administrative positions in your School [and] indicate what strategies you and members of your staff are using or plan to use to eliminate the indicated barriers."

It appears the sessions (generally conducted over breakfast or lunch) were amiable rather than adversarial, and the meetings took place in an atmosphere of courtesy and cooperation rather than conflict. According to the meeting summaries (copies of which were found in Association files) the deans readily acknowledged both the inadequacy of black representation on faculty and staff at their schools, and the many values their schools would realize with a greater than token black presence. They uniformly expressed their willingness to support actions that might improve the numbers of blacks in teaching and staff ranks. Several deans reviewed actions they had taken or planned to increase the number of black students, faculty, and administrators.

The deans gave varying reasons for the embarrassingly small numbers of blacks on their faculties: the decrease in the number of black American doctorates;' the lack or inadequacy of pools from which black applicants might be drawn;' l the lack of openings; the lack of funds for hiring new faculty; and the difficulty in obtaining tenure; these were all recurring themes during the discussions. The most often heard explanation was that faculty openings required qualifications which few if any blacks hold. The deans were less clear in explaining the paucity of black administrators, despite the admittedly larger pool of clearly qualified candidates for these positions.

A generous assessment of these meetings is that the President and the academic deans were concerned about minority hiring but comfortable with existing hiring criteria. The Association saw its task as bringing the deans and their faculties to at least recognize that their frequently expressed resistance to hiring African-Americans with success and experience in other than traditional academic fields contra dieted both logic and past hiring patterns for both whites and blacks. The deans found little significance in the facts that:

1. African-Americans have been hired and promoted at Harvard despite (for some) a lack of traditional qualifications. Many of these individuals now perform at a high level of effectiveness, a fact that does not alter the too readily expressed fear that minority candidates without traditional qualifications may not succeed.

2. Not all whites hired and tenured in accord with traditional, academic criteria perform at consistently high levels as teachers and scholars.

Notes from a planning session held by Association leaders prior to the fateful Saturday meeting with the President indicate that they planned to emphasize the following barriers to increasing the percentage of black faculty and administrators at Harvard:

White Superiority: During Du Bois' years here (and likely for three-quarters of a century thereafter) the strictures of law and widely held prejudices about the superiority of whites and the inferiority of blacks barred all blacks‹including those with Du Bois' academic qualifications‹from any position of importance at Harvard. The inertia generated and sustained during this long, exclusionary period was not eliminated by the enactment of anti-discrimination laws. Whether intended or not, questions of qualifications now serve subtly the role once performed overtly by racially exclusionary policies.

Faculty Conservatism: Tenured faculty exercise the major role in hiring and promotion decisions. Almost by definition, they are conservative when it comes to admitting new members to their ranks. They take seriously their roles of guardians of Harvard's scholarly reputation. This guardianship is appropriate, but in practice it simply replicates the status quo by selecting candidates from similar backgrounds, with interests and ideology like those of current faculty members. The sense that the faculty candidate will "fit in" receives great ‹if unacknowledged‹weight in many faculty hiring and promotion decisions. This "insider bias" is potentially damaging to many white candidates. It is positively devastating to most candidates who are black.

Scholarly Compatibility: Even outstanding scholarship, if not performed in a traditional format, can disqualify a candidate seeking a position or promotion. Narrow measures of excellence harm many candidates, but tend to exclude disproportionately large numbers of blacks whose approach, voice, or conclusions may depart radically from traditional forms. As a result, the selection process favors blacks who reject or minimize their blackness, exhibit little empathy for or interest in black students, and express views on racial issues that are far removed from positions held by most blacks including‹often enough ‹ the groups who pressured for an increased minority presence.

Tokenism: While the lack of an adequate pool of blacks with traditional qualifications serves as the major excuse for little or no progress, it is apparent (from the drop in interest in minority recruitment after one or two blacks are hired) that there is an unconscious but no less real ceiling on the number of blacks that will be hired in a given department‹regardless of their qualifications.

THE SECRET TAPE

A cassette tape, uncovered by police investigators during their zealous search for clues, contained recorded portions of an Association planning session. The recorder may have been hidden because much of the sound is muffled and faint. The ungarbled footage reveals a quite heated argument over whether the Association should sponsor a series of direct action protests.

Ramona Berrywell, a personnel officer in the graduate school, strongly supported demonstrations. According to friends, she had not been much involved in racial issues until she was passed over for promotion three times in a ten-year period. She filed and ultimately prevailed in a long and bitter employment discrimination proceeding. Berrywell's voice came through clearly on the poor recording.

Ms. Berrywell: "I understand why you tenured faculty types are opposed to protests. You are afraid they would be undignified, and not in keeping with your image."

[Muffled response]

"Listen. Neither your titles nor your tenure can change the fact that Harvard is no less a plantation for you faculty folks than it is for black administrators who can‹and are‹eased out if we do anything that is threatening to our white supervisors, including doing our jobs more competently than those we watch 'move on up' while we are expected to wave them on and satisfy ourselves with the thought: 'at least I work for Harvard.'"

[Incoherent discussion to which Ms. Berrywell responds]

"Quality of life for blacks on this campus? We work hard and smile pretty while doing it. In return, we are tolerated, but we are not part of the family."

[Several comments of disagreement with an unidentified professor's voice coming through:] "Ramona, you're wrong. We are treated like everyone else. I don't want to be pampered."

Ms. Berrywell: "Professor, I know you have been here a long time, and you have earned far more respect than you receive. But you signed that South Africa divestment petition with the rest of us, and what response did it get us besides gross rationalizations? Can you imagine what Harvard's reaction to apartheid would be if a black minority subjugated a large, indigenous, white majority in South Africa ‹or anyplace else for that matter?

"We are the surviving by-products of the 1960s riots. Unless we act, Harvard will return to its comfortable, all-white status. We will get nothing we do not insist on. I promise you one major demonstra tion: a 24-hour vigil around Massachusetts Hall, a 9-to-5 sit-down strike in the Yard, even a 2-hour gospel sing while blocking the passage under Holyoke Center. Any of these protests will get the message across that we want promotions as well as jobs, respect as well as pay, consideration and not condescension masked behind a thin veil of civility."

Professor: "We need to stop the hypocrisy. We know and they know that there are very few blacks out there qualified for professional teaching or staff positions at Harvard. Neither pretense nor threats will change that. Face it. If racism has been as devastating as we claim and has prevented all but a few black folks from gaining Harvard-level credentials, we need to stop demanding that they hire nonexistent people. And if despite racism, there are qualified blacks out there, we need to tell the schools where they can be found and stop complaining about discrimination."

Ms. Berrywell: "But for what you call 'hypocrisy' by activists in the 1960s, Professor, neither of us would have our jobs. There is no pool of blacks because there are so few jobs. And there will be no jobs unless we demand that Harvard find those who can and train those who have the potential.

"I know some of you fear that protests will worsen our situations, perhaps justify our dismissals, and certainly ensure that any of us who participate will never be promoted."

Professor: "Ramona, protests are not appropriate for persons in an academic setting. We will turn off the university policymakers, and it will give them an excuse not to take. us seriously. Why not continue writing the President for more aggressive enforcement of existing affirmative action regulations, and then request a meeting with him to discuss our concerns?"

Ms. Berrywell: "The President is not God. His office gives him influence, but he has little more power over tenured faculty than we have. We must give him a reason for insisting on a vigorous affirmative action effort. If we don't act, who will? Remember what Preston Wilcox, the Harlem activist, preaches: 'No one can free us but ourselves.'

"Friends, we won't live forever. If they ask in the Hereafter what did you do to help the cause of your people, don't you want to be able to say more than that you worked at Harvard University?"

[The balance of the tape was blank.]

DISCOVERY OF THE PRESIDENT'S PLAN

One month after the explosion and just prior to the massive memorial service to honor all those who lost their lives in the Quincy Street house explosion, a proposal was found among the late President's papers. There were some indications that he had planned to present the paper to the Association at some point during the final meeting. It read: "I have heard and considered carefully all that has been said here. I agree that it is time to honor our words with deeds and linking a new affirmative action program with Dr. Du Bois' name is an excellent idea. Therefore, I plan to issue a proclamation commemorating the Centennial of Dr. Du Bois' Harvard presence with a Du Bois Talented Tenth black recruitment and hiring program.

"The goal of this program is that by the Fall of 1990‹the 100th anniversary of Dr. Du Bois' graduation from this institution‹ten percent of Harvard's faculty and administrators should be black, Hispanic, Asian, or Native American. If the Graduate School of Education can attain an eleven percent minority faculty, the other schools should strive to do as well.

"Close to a record number of black students entered Harvard this Fall. These admissions reflect Harvard's appreciation of Du Bois' statement:

All [persons] cannot go to college but some [persons] must; every isolated group or nation must have its yeast, must have for the talented few centers of training where [people] are not so mystified and befuddled by the hard and necessary toil of earning a living, as to have no aims higher than their bellies, and no God greater than Gold.

"Our black students need teachers. Teachers are models as well as trainers, and while, as Du Bois and dozens of educational studies would agree, not all teachers of black students need be black for a healthy and effective learning environment‹for whites as well as blacks‹some representative number of faculty should be persons of color. Adopting Du Bois' Talented Tenth standard as the immediate goal for all Harvard faculty and administrative positions is both a reasonable and appropriate means of moving Harvard's affirmative action commitment beyond tokenism.

"I plan to organize the Talented Tenth program along the following lines: During the 1988-89 school year, the President's office will sponsor a search and recruitment program including necessary timetables that will enable every faculty to begin a vigorous campaign intended to locate and attract black, Hispanic, Asian, and Native American faculty and staff.

"During the 1989-90 school year, the recruitment efforts should enable available vacancies (and where necessary, those vacancies created by the central administration), to be filled by persons of color until the school or unit contains no less than ten percent black and other representatives of groups disadvantaged because of their race and color. Where despite good-faith efforts vacancies cannot be filled with persons of color by the end of the 1989-90 school year, then an amount equal to the salary of the majority person hired should be used to promote a visit, fund a scholarship or fellowship, or in some other way further the Talented Tenth Centennial goal. This funding should continue each year until a minority candidate is recruited and hired. I would expect that the desired progress will be achieved without further sanctions by my administration.

"Here, I hope you will agree, is a program both worthy of Harvard and capable of exciting enthusiasm and emulation by colleges across the land. I expect that this proposal will be opposed by those who warn us that Harvard's reputation for scholarly excellence will be jeopardized unless each opening is filled by the best candidate without regard to race, color, or creed. But we must face the fact that race has served for three centuries as an absolute bar for faculty status at Harvard. It remains the cause of suspicion rather than an opportunity to include and broaden the scope of scholarly inquiry. We must address these unspoken but no less serious barriers.

"My proposal responds to the need for reform that will improve rather than degrade Harvard's standards of scholarly excellence. First, by vigorous effort, vacancies can be filled by blacks who have either traditional qualifications or their equivalents. Second, where such persons cannot be found or recruited, funding equal to the salaries of those positions will be devoted to fellowships and other support that will enable promising students of color to gain the necessary credentials and experience to fill teaching and staff positions in the future, either here or at another school."

THE TRIUMPH

The President's plan was read at the memorial service and its effect was as one would imagine. With a seldom-seen unanimity, the Harvard community made implementation of the President's "Talented Tenth" plan a matter of the highest priority. By the Fall 1990 deadline, the percentage of black faculty and staff reached levels double those at the time of the fatal explosion. In addition, scores of black graduate students were benefiting from the fellowship funds provided in unfilled minority positions. The program had captured national attention and was being emulated at colleges and universities across the country.

Finally, exactly two years after the never-explained explosion, an elegant building, the new home of the Du Bois Institute, was opened on the site of the disaster. It was a fitting memorial to the past and a stately manifestation of a university that had merged its stated commitment to affirmative action with impressive accomplishments.

MAKING FICTION REAL

Happily, the tragedy described here never occurred. But who can doubt that so great a disaster‹and the concomitant threat of widespread racial disorders‹would motivate concerted action to memorialize its victims with the realization of the plans they were discussing when the end came. Such a memorial would be neither illegal nor wrong. Indeed, it would add to the luster of a great university, and might well spark a national movement toward closing the gap between the commitment to diversity in academe and the solid action needed to give life to that commitment.

This is the leadership role appropriate to Harvard. Acceptance of that role without the motivation of grief and the need to memorialize lost colleagues would not render that role less worthy. Most of us thought that the 1954 Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education, would close the book on racial discrimination and open a new era of opportunity that knew no color line. We were wrong. The challenge of overcoming the attachment to the beliefs and benefits of white supremacy remains. Harvard cannot respond effectively to this challenge with a faculty whose blacks hardly constitute one percent of the total. To paraphrase Jesse Jackson, we are a better university than that.

RESPONSES TO THE REPORT

...

November 15, 1988
An Open Letter to the Academic Deans

Dear Deans,

On October 25th, we released The Final Report, the Association of Black Faculty and Administrators' affirmative action paper. The report featured a fictional tragedy that led Harvard to adopt a dynamic minority hiring and fellowship program.

With a few exceptions, your response to our initiative has been private distress and public silence. In a meeting with President Bok last week, we learned that most of you were "turned off" by the report. Somehow, you viewed it as proof that we were not serious about improving minority hiring, and predicted that it will harm rather than help minority hiring efforts on this campus. We were told that many of you were angered that the report questioned your commitment to affirmative action.

We find this response disheartening. We thought you shared our deep concern that figures of less than 2% black faculty and professional staff place in question the commitment of all of us at Harvard, black as well as white. Our report was intended to find contemporary relevance in the historic fact that major racial progress has always come in periods of great crisis: slavery was ended in the midst of the Civil War; segregation was outlawed in the course of the post-World War II Cold War; and affirmative action was a product of the massive civil disturbances of the late 1960s, particularly those that followed the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King. Given the crisis-oriented character of civil rights progress, our report posed a challenge: if a campus calamity like that portrayed in our report occurred, it almost certainly would spur adoption of a more aggressive affirmative action program. Such a program, we suggest, would be no less appropriate in the absence of a tragedy-caused crisis.

We recognize that the debilitating effects of racial discrimination limit the number of eligible minorities in many fields. As well, we are aware that some minority scholars have declined invitations to come here. But we also know that other applicants, highly regarded in their fields, have not received offers because they are not deemed "traditional" or "theoretical" scholars.

We believe, and our report suggests, that many of the minorities rejected for faculty and staff openings in recent years would have been offered positions during a crisis. Our report was intended to aid you in overcoming faculty resistance to minority applicants with other than traditional credentials. We hoped it would strengthen arguments that many of us are performing well despite credentials that depart from the traditional. Some blacks have done less well, but our record of successes and disappointments is no different from the records compiled by those whites with all the traditional qualifications.

We respect your right to disagree, but we are puzzled that you chose to withdraw rather than join issue with a position that invited debate and threatened-neither disruption nor legal action.

We are pleased that dozens of faculty and staff members, and student groups have called for, read, and responded positively to our report. We extend our thanks to the deans, including those at the Law School, the Kennedy School of Government, the Graduate School of Education, the School of Public Health, and the Graduate School of Design, who have made copies of our report available to their faculties and professional staffs. We hope all will do so. We all need to consider why steps taken in periods of crisis cannot be emulated in periods of calm.

Sincerely,

/s/ Derrick Bell       /s/ Lawrence Watson
Derrick Bell, Law   Lawrence Watson, Design
Co-Chair            Co-Chair

cc: President Bok
Ronald Quincy, Associate Vice President for Affirmative Action Programs

...

October 30, 1988
Professor Derrick Bell
Harvard Law School
Harvard University
Cambridge, Mass.

Dear Professor Bell,

I just finished reading the article which appeared in today's New York Times concerning the plea of Harvard blacks that more blacks be hired by Harvard. I, a 1965 graduate of Harvard, am getting sick and tired of hearing you blacks constantly bitching and moaning about [the] lack of blacks on Harvard's faculty. Face it Derrick, you blacks have a hard time making it on your own and if it wasn't for the anti-white, black ass-kissing, affirmative action programs instituted by liberal politicians, there would be even less blacks at Harvard and rightfully so! What the hell have you ever really done for Harvard? I have returned to Harvard time and time again and each time become more and more disgusted with the patronizing the University condones to keep you blacks quiet. You have bullshitted the liberals into believing that we white people owe you something and the best way to rectify the alleged past discrimination is to "give" you jobs, positions, housing, etc., etc. Why the hell can't you ever earn something on your own without constantly crying that you are owed. I don't owe you a goddamn thing. Thanks to you Negroes, we, as a nation, have the highest drug usage rates, the highest murder rates, the highest infant mortality rates, the highest welfare rates, the highest rates of households led by single females, the highest rates of abandoned children, the highest illiteracy rates, and the lowest educational rates. I am sure you believe this all to be caused by white folks. I have sat in classes taught by blacks, have sat next to black students, who if it was not for the color of their skin would never enter Harvard, and just have shaken my head in total disbelief at the level of stupidity displayed by you blacks. The first thing this phony professor did was spend fifteen minutes castigating whites. The black students stood and cheered. The majority of us whites had the good manners to ignore the tirade and jungle manners of the students who cheered. Many of us got up and walked out, right over to the registrar's officer and got out of the class.

Answer me this, Derrick, have you ever heard of merit? That means achieving something by yourself without having it handed to you for doing nothing. Harvard should recruit the brightest and most promising students in the nation based on past record, not granting positions based on race. What a sham affirmative action is. If only you blacks displayed real courage and publicly denounced affirmative action for what it really is. I have chosen to send my three children to schools that recognize merit and past achievement and not a school that panders to racial groups primarily because they, the schools, lack the courage to stand up to blatant blackmail. Your battle cry is if we's don' get our demands we will occupy another building. Of course you show your true colors when you take over a building, you deny others the right to their education, a very expensive right.

In closing I have cut off all donations to the old alma mater until they cut this constant pandering and patronizing. Until you blacks show that you have risen to the same level as whites in education you should be happy with what you get and deserve. Where are the black Nobel prize winners? Instead of appointing blacks, Harvard should appoint only those who by merit deserve to be appointed. When will you ever learn?

Yours truly,

/s/ Donald T. Wells '65

cc: Lawrence Watson
Dean - School of Design

November 6, 1988

Dear Mr. Wells,

As I assume was your purpose, I found your October 30th letter quite shocking. Regrettably, many people share your seriously mistaken views regarding the working of affirmative action programs, but I was appalled that a graduate of this Law School would level so virulent a tirade against both affirmative action and black people in general.

Your letter served to remind me that lurking behind the courteous resistance to providing meaningful opportunity to people of color in this country, there are many like yourself who really believe that blacks are inferior and that centuries of slavery, segregation, and con tinuing racial discrimination--far from justification for policies of racial reform--are appropriate treatment for an unworthy people.

Your letter was candid and you deserve candor in return. I have spent the 30 years of my professional career attempting through law to make the dream of racial equality real. It has been a career filled with frustration, misgivings and, in recent years, a great deal of failure. Even so, I will take your letter as a reason for renewed commitment. It will also demonstrate to officials here that failure to vigorously implement their affirmative action pledges serves to give an unintended legitimacy to views like those expressed in your letter.

Sincerely,

/s/ Derrick Bell
Derrick Bell

...

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Carl Gutierrez-Jones
Department of English
University of California Santa Barbara, CA 93106
E-mail: carlgj@humanitas.ucsb.edu